Hunter-gatherer

A hunter-gatherer society is one whose primary involves the direct procurement of edible plants and animals from the wild,  and  without significant recourse to the  of either. The demarcation between hunter-gatherers and other societies which rely more upon domestication (see and  and ) is not a clear cut one, as many contemporary societies use a combination of both strategies to obtain the s required to sustain themselves.

Hunting and gathering was presumably the only subsistence strategy employed by  for more than two million years, until the end of the  period. The transition into the subsequent period is chiefly defined by the unprecedented development of nascent agricultural practices. Agriculture in several different areas including the, , , and the  beginning as early as. Many groups continued their hunter-gatherer ways of life, although their numbers have perpetually declined partly as a result of pressure from growing agricultural and pastoral communities. Areas which were formerly unrestricted to hunter-gatherers were, and continue to be encroached upon by the settlements of agriculturalists. In the resulting competition for land use, hunter-gatherer societies either adopted these practices or moved to other areas. has also blamed a decline in the availability of wild foods, particularly animal resources. In North and South America, for example, most large mammal species had been hunted to extinction by the end of the.

As the number and size of many agricultural societies increased, they expanded into lands traditionally used by hunter-gatherers and communities practicing. This process of agriculture-driven expansion soon led to the pristine development of states in agricultural centers (,, , , and ) and set in motion the impetus for further expansion through fare and. As a result of the now ubiquitous human reliance upon agriculture, the few contemporary s who practice hunting and gathering usually live in areas seen as undesirable for agricultural use.

Methods of study
and evidence must be used to learn about  hunter-gatherers, and  studies, as well as  information, provide information about living or historic hunter-gatherers. Interdisciplinary fields such as, , , and  have also arisen in the search for insight into the hunter-gatherer past.

Habitat and population
Hunter-gatherer societies tend to be relatively mobile or "", given their reliance upon the ability of a given to provide sufficient  in order to sustain their population and the variable availability of these resources owing to local  and al conditions. Their population densities tend to be lower than those of, since cultivated land is capable of sustaining 60–100 times greater than land left uncultivated. Individual tend to be small in number (10-30 individuals), but these may gather together seasonally to temporarily form a larger group (100 or more) when resources are abundant. In a few places where the environment is especially productive, such as that of the coast of North America, hunter-gatherers are able to settle permanently.

Hunter-gatherer settlements may be either permanent, temporary, or some combination of the two, depending upon the mobility of the community. Mobile communities typically construct using impermanent s, or they may use natural s, where they are available, while more settled communities build more durable structures.

Social structure
Hunter-gatherer societies also tend to have non-, social structures. This might have been more pronounced in the more mobile societies, which generally are not able to store surplus food. Thus, full-time leaders, bureaucrats, or artisans are rarely supported by these societies. Others, such as the of present-day, lived in such a rich environment that they could remain sedentary, like many other s of the Pacific Northwest coast. These groups demonstrate more.

A vast amount of ethnographic and archaeological evidence demonstrates that the sexual in which men hunt and women gather wild fruits and vegetables is an extremely common phenomenon among hunter-gatherers worldwide, but there are a number of documented exceptions to this general pattern. It would, therefore, be an over-generalization to say that men always hunt and women always gather. At the "Man the Hunter" conference, anthropologists  and  suggested that  was one of several central characteristics of nomadic hunting and gathering societies because mobility requires minimization of material possessions throughout a population; therefore, there was no surplus of resources to be accumulated by any single member. Other characteristics Lee and DeVore proposed were in territorial boundaries as well as in  composition. At the same conference, presented a paper entitled, "," in which he challenged the popular view of hunter-gatherers living lives "solitary, poor, nasty, brutish and short," as  had put it in. According to Sahlins, ethnographic data indicated that hunter-gatherers worked far fewer hours and enjoyed more than typical members of industrial society, and they still ate well. Their "affluence" came from the idea that they are satisfied with very little in the material sense. This, he said, constituted a economy.

One way to divide hunter-gatherer groups is by their return systems. James Woodburn uses the categories "immediate return" hunter-gatherers for egalitarian and "delayed return" for nonegalitarian. Immediate return foragers consume their food within a day or two after they procure it. Delayed return foragers store the surplus food (Kelly, 31). Some s have theorised that hunter-gatherers would have used and  elaborate the mechanics further by asserting it would have been a, (although this would not have applied for all hunter-gatherer societies.)

Problems with generalizing
There is far too much variability among hunter-gatherer cultures across the world to be able to illustrate a “typical” society in anything but the broadest strokes. The “hunter-gatherer” category roughly circumscribes an extremely diverse range of societies who happen to share certain traits. It is therefore important not to mistake common characteristics of hunter-gatherer societies for a universal description.

The transition from hunting and gathering to agriculture is not necessarily a one way process. It has been argued that hunting and gathering represents an which may still be exploited, if necessary, when environmental change causes extreme food stress for agriculturalists.

In fact, it is sometimes difficult to draw a clear line between agricultural and hunter-gatherer societies, especially since the widespread adoption of agriculture and resulting cultural diffusion that has occurred in the last 10,000 years. Many hunter-gatherers consciously manipulate the landscape through cutting or burning undesirable plants while encouraging desirable ones, some even going to the extent of to create habitat for game animals. These activities are on an entirely different scale than those associated with agriculture, but they are nevertheless domestication on some level. Today, almost all hunter-gatherers depend to some extent upon domesticated food sources either produced part-time or traded for products acquired in the wild. Some agriculturalists also regularly hunt and gather (e.g. farming during the frost-free season and hunting during the winter). Still others in developed countries go hunting, primarily for leisure. In the Brazilian rainforest, groups which recently or continue to rely on hunting and gathering techniques seem to have adopted this lifestyle, abandoning most agriculture, as a way to escape colonial control and as a result of the introduction of European diseases reducing their populations to levels where agriculture became difficult.

Modern context
In the early 1980s, a small but vocal segment of anthropologists and archaeologists attempted to demonstrate that contemporary groups usually identified as hunter-gatherers do not, in most cases, have a continuous history of hunting and gathering, and that in many cases their ancestors were agriculturalists and/or pastoralists who were pushed into marginal areas as a result of migrations, economic exploitation, and/or violent conflict. The result of their effort has been the general acknowledgement that there has been complex interaction between hunter-gatherers and non-hunter-gatherers for millennia.

Some of the theorists who advocate this “revisionist” critique imply that, because the "pure hunter-gatherer" disappeared not long after (or even agricultural) contact began, nothing meaningful can be learned about prehistoric hunter-gatherers from studies of modern ones (Kelly, 24-29; see Wilmsen ); however, most specialists who study hunter-gatherer  (see  and ) disagree with this conclusion.

There are contemporary hunter-gatherer peoples who, after contact with other societies, continue their ways of life with very little external influence. One such group are the or the  of, whose habitat in the  has proved unsuitable for European agriculture (and even pastoralism). Another are the of the  in the, who live on  and to date have maintained their independent existence, repelling attempts to engage with and contact them.

Social movements
There are some modern social movements related to the hunter-gatherer lifestyle:
 * involves gathering of discarded food (and sometimes other materials) in the context of an urban or suburban environment
 * involves the gathering of food that traditional farmers have left behind in their fields
 * , which strives for the abolishment of civilization and the return to a life in the wild
 * , which strives to achieve a diet similar to that of ancient hunter-gatherer groups.